InfoBritain

 

William Gladstone

Prime Minister 1868 - 74, 1880 - 86, 1892 - 94

The Greek writer Plutarch identified two kinds of politician. First there were those who see politics as an ocean voyage or a military campaign. They are intent on getting somewhere, and often take over in war time. To recall a phrase used by John Winthrop, leader of puritan settlers of Massachusetts, and by Ronald Reagan, these are " shining city on a hill" politicians. Then there are those who for Plutarch are the true politicians, those who see politics as a way of life, with no particular end in view. These generally are peace time leaders, with Robert Walpole and Benjamin Disraeli as examples. By contrast William Gladstone is a definitive shining city on a hill politician. Born 29th December 1809, son of a Liverpool merchant, young William was brought up in an evangelical household, the conventions of which made an indelible impression on him. Life had a purpose, an end in view, and it was this priestly vocation which drove Gladstone, making him a man who always had to have a cause.

 

Eton College

Gladstone, remembered as a great reformer, was also a deeply conventional man. While his great rival Disraeli was leaving school at fifteen, setting up newspapers which failed, losing fortunes on the stock market, and having affairs with the wives of baronets, Gladstone was taking the conventional path through life. He was educated at Eton and Christ Church College, Oxford - achieving a double first - and was elected as MP for Newark in 1832. Gladstone characteristically took things to extremes, and this included his early embrace of conventional views. He started out in his career as a hard line member of the Tory Party, opposing the abolition of slavery, and suggesting that membership of the Church of England should be obligatory for those who wanted to enjoy the full rights of British citizenship. Prime minister Robert Peel saw Gladstone as a future talent, but given the young man's religious views Peel realised that his requested job, secretary of state for Ireland, would not be a wise appointment. Instead a position at the Board of Trade seemed more appropriate. Here Gladstone was closely associated with Peel's plans to abolish tariffs protecting profits of agricultural producers, and to establish free trade.

In 1846 Peel was voted out of office, and Gladstone went with him. A long trip to Naples in 1850, where political oppression was experienced first hand, changed Gladstone. His crusading fervour was the same, but it began to travel in different more liberal channels. Returning to England Gladstone began his rivalry with up and coming fellow tory politician Benjamin Disraeli. Disraeli and Gladstone were very different people. Disraeli was at this time aligning himself with the Church of England to give the impression of conformity, only to provide cover for manoeuvre on political reform later on. This behaviour enraged Disraeli's earnest rival. Religion for Gladstone was not to be used dispassionately in a political game - whereas it was for Disraeli. Disraeli rose to chancellor of the exchequer in 1859, under Lord Derby, but Gladstone was now a sworn enemy, and put attacking Disraeli ahead of loyalty to the Tory Party. Gladstone opposed Disraeli's 1859 budget, helping bring down Derby's administration. Gladstone then became chancellor himself, 1859 - 66, under Palmerston. By now, however, the Tory Party did not seem a sufficiently crusading place for Gladstone, and in 1867 he crossed the House of Commons to the Liberals, for whom he became leader.

 

Trafalgar Tavern Greenwich, a favourite meeting place for Gladstone and his ministers

Meanwhile Disraeli was playing his political games with great skill. The Tory Party had come to the conclusion that reform was needed, but were deeply divided about what actually to do. As Disraeli's biographer E. Blake suggests, Disraeli in guiding his party had no other aim than maintaining unity. Any idealistic notion of changing things for the better took second place. He knew that without unity there would be no reform at all. Disraeli, taking over the Tory Party leadership when Derby fell ill, had to decide how to react to the passage through the Commons of a bill reforming voting rights. His chief aim was the maintenance of as much party unity as possible. A policy of deliberate procrastination was adopted, making noises about reform to keep idealists happy, but actually doing little, which kept traditionalists happy. In this way, inspite of violent differences of opinion, the Tory Party managed to stay together. Disraeli was soon to get his reward, managing to accommodate an appetite for reform within his generally cautious party. He held his men together.

Disraeli's performance firmly established his leadership of the party. But this was an age when the shining city on a hill was a powerful beacon, both for Gladstone and for many people generally. Inspite of Disraeli's achievements, a divided Liberal Party still won 1868's general election. This made William Gladstone prime minister for the first time. A great reforming government followed. Gladstone's own cause was Ireland. Taking personal charge of Irish problems he did not get very far. Meanwhile officials in other departments had more success. The Education Act of 1870 was largely the achievement of W.E. Forster. And yet even here Gladstone's brand of reforming zeal is apparent. According to E.J. Feuchtuanger, religious nonconformists were deeply offended by the Education Act, which failed to create a universal system of secular education, and instead seemed to perpetuate the Church of England's predominance in education. (See The Prime Ministers Vol2 P121) The echo of this is still with us today in the existence of church schools. With a significant number of schools centred around Christianity it becomes difficult to oppose schools based on other faiths. It could be argued that this causes problems with different faiths wanting to separate off children on religious lines. The chance of establishing the kind of universal and inclusive secular system seen in France or the United States was lost to Gladstone's vision of the schools he wanted to see in his city on a hill. Gladstone's dedication to a cause was of course beguiling, but dedication to principles, so admirable in some ways, was destructive in others. In 1873 Gladstone was defeated in his plan to remove discrimination against catholics in higher education. This of course was a laudable aim, but it was an aim that was going to break up his party. Disraeli would not have tried this. He would have waited, holding his party together in the hope of a more appropriate time in the future. Gladstone's principles were in large measure to lose him the general election of 1874. Disraeli, the opportunist, took over 1874 - 80. He was the man who once again held his party together, and achieved unity without which nothing could be achieved. Like the preceding Gladstone government, Disraeli's 1874 - 80 administration was to become famous for reform.

 

The Reform Club - unofficial headquarters of Gladstone's Liberal party

With Disraeli as prime minister, at the height of his career, Gladstone immersed himself in theology, and engaged in abstruse disputes about the supposed infallibility of the pope. Then in 1876 Gladstone found himself another cause in renewed opposition to a flagging Disraeli. Battling with failing health and energy, Disraeli was struggling with a chaotic international situation. Fearing Russian expansion he supported the dubious Turkish regime, which infuriated Gladstone. Then officials and awkward generals took it upon themselves to start wars in Afghanistan, and in South Africa against the Zulus. This all contributed to the defeat of the tories in the 1880 election, and the return of Gladstone as prime minister for a second time. Gladstone, however, found foreign affairs as difficult to deal with as Disraeli. Gladstone was not a natural colonialist, but found himself as the head of a huge empire, with awkward figures in far flung places unwilling to follow the party line. In 1884 the government decided to abandon the Sudan in Africa, but General Charles George Gordon had other ideas. Gordon fortified the town of Khartoum and set out to defend it against the Sudanese. The public clamoured for Khartoum's relief, with Gladstone having to reluctantly comply. Just like Disraeli before him, Gladstone found himself at the mercy of events overseas. A half hearted relief effort failed, Khartoum fell in January 1885, Gordon was killed, and much damage was done to Gladstone's government.

On a more positive note 1884 also saw the Third Reform Bill and Redistribution Bill, which gave the vote to all male householders, and created single member constituencies generally as they exist today. But Khartoum was fresh in people's minds. And Gladstone, continuing to pursue his great cause in Ireland, split the government over his support for Irish home rule. The Liberal Party lost the 1885 election, and Lord Salisbury took over. Gladstone was to return to power one more time, 1892 - 94, but his government once again fell over support for Irish home rule. Gladstone resigned in 1894, and Queen Victoria found it hard to disguise her relief. He was not an easy man. Gladstone had to be on a crusade, and refused to just rub along. This was his great quality as a politician, and his great weakness. A final judgment of Gladstone all depends on whether you see politics as a mission with an end or as a way of life. For someone who seeks a shining city on hill, Gladstone will be a hero. But there are many people who do not see life like this. As Tolstoy wrote, "The activity of Alexander or Napoleon cannot be termed beneficial or harmful, since we cannot say for what it is beneficial or harmful." (War and Peace P1341) In a situation where there is no end in view, the indefinable Disraeli is seen in a better light. Perhaps, however, we really need both of the approaches personified by Disraeli and Gladstone. Since they cannot coexist in one person, we might look upon these two politicians as a great double act, and value them together rather than as individuals. This is inspite of the fact that Gladstone detested Disraeli, and Disraeli took the initials of Gladstone's nickname -Grand Old Man - and turned them into God's Only Mistake.