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Benjamin Disraeli

Prime Minister 1868, 1874 - 80

William Gladstone once said: "Mr Disraeli was in the centre of three rings - his party, which he understood perfectly and governed completely; the House of Commons, of which his knowledge was good; the country, of which he was very ignorant." (Quoted in The Prime Ministers Vol2 P85) Perhaps, however, Disraeli understood more than Gladstone realised. Gladstone with his religious earnestness assumed that he could change the fate of nations. With his sense of man's centrality to the world he felt that the highest office in the world's most powerful country must confer real power on its holder. Perhaps Disraeli knew better. He realised that managing Parliament was a symbolic act in managing Britain, but did not always go much further. He governed what he could and did not try to govern what he couldn't.

Benjamin Disraeli was born 21st December 1804, and was brought up in Holborn and Bloomsbury, London. His parents were Jewish, but seemed to reject most of their religion. Young Benjamin had lessons in Hebrew, but was to become a member of the Church of England at the age of 12. Whether he felt particularly earnest about any kind of religion is debatable. Disraeli left school at fifteen, entered a solicitor's office for three years, and gave it up. Disraeli got to the age of 20 as an ambitious young man going nowhere. He tried to find direction by setting up a newspaper called The Representative. This project, struggling through 1824 - 26, eventually collapsed losing its publisher, John Murray £26,000. There was then an unwise novel written about Murray under an assumed name, which actually sold well, until the secret of Disraeli's authorship leaked out. Murray reacted by ejecting the young man from his charmed circle. This was followed by a plan to make a fortune on the strock exchange, which ended with debts that wouldn't be paid off for many years. Disraeli promptly had a breakdown. His family sent him to the Mediterranean in 1830 - 31, and the change of scene seemed to help their troubled son, who returned fitter, but still unconventional. He took a radical line in politics, and had an affair with Henrietta Sykes, wife of a baronet. Meeting Lord Lyndhurst, he teamed up with the older man and decided to become a member of the Conservative Party. Part of their friendship involved passing on Henrietta to Lord Lyndhurst. Then finally in 1837 Disraeli entered Parliament as MP for Maidstone, Kent. This was followed by marriage to widow, Mary Wyndam Lewis. As John Vincent writes, Disraeli had reached middle age with "nothing more useful that an indifferent marriage (in the world's eyes) a bad name, and large debts." (The Prime Ministers Vol2 P86)

The balcony in Maidstone, Kent, where Disraeli made his acceptance speech on becoming an MP in 1837

Prime minister Robert Peel did not give any important job to the new MP for Maidstone, so Disraeli teamed up with three young men just down from university, and created a group called Young England, which went nowhere. Meanwhile he wrote three good novels, Coningsby (1844) Sybil (1845) and Tancred (1847). In 1846 Disraeli spoke against Peel's plan to abolish the Corn Laws, protective tariffs which kept the price of corn high to protect the profit of producers. Becoming a leading figure in the group which wanted to guard the tariffs, this issue first brought Disraeli to some measure of prominence. In 1848 he began to confirm his new status by buying the country estate of Hughenden. When in 1852 Robert Peel was replaced as prime minister by Lord Derby, Disraeli finally began to play a prominent role as chancellor. But then just as a major career advance seemed in prospect, the Crimean War began. Palmerston took over as a popular prime minister, and Disraeli had to take a back seat once again. This time was spent planning a strategy for the future. While others took religion seriously and earnestly, Disraeli decided to use its symbolism to his advantage. In 1857 he aligned himself more closely with the Church of England. The plan was to appear conventional on religious questions, which would then provide cover for a more radical attitude to political and social reform. Manoeuverings such as this now brought Disraeli to the top of his party. When Lord Derby returned as prime minister in 1866, Disraeli was being seen as his potential successor.

Disraeli was never an idealist. Taking over as prime minister in 1868 when Lord Derby fell ill, Disraei had to decide how to react to the passage through the Commons of a bill reforming voting rights. His main aim was not idealistic reform, but the maintenance of as much party unity as possible. It was clear that without unity there would be no reform at all. A deliberate policy of procrastination was adopted, and in this way, inspite of violent differences of opinion, the Tory party managed to stay together. The bill which was eventually passed bore little resemblance to the one originally introduced, but that did not take away from the achievement of Disraeli. While Gladstone's Liberal party disintegrated, Disraeli held his men together. He realised that this was his job, with any conception of changing society coming second. He knew he could only be master of his house, this little bit of England which reflected the bigger picture. If he could look after his little bit of England, then the wider world would have a symbolic unity of government to follow.

Following his clever performance over the voting rights bill, Disraeli was established as Tory party leader in 1868, but could not at this point overcome Gladstone's residual popularity as the apparent beacon of reform. The Tories were defeated by the Liberals in 1868's election, and Disraeli now entered a difficult period, blighted by health problems, and the death of his wife in 1872. But hanging on until 1874, Disraeli finally returned as prime minister. 1875 saw Disraeli embarking on the most ambitious legislative programme of his career. Home secretary Cross passed two bills supporting trade unions. These bills have been described as the "Magna Carta of trade unionism." (See Prime Ministers Vol2 P98) Picketing was legalised; all breaches of contract, whether by employer or employee were covered by the same legislation. The long years of work holding a party together by whatever means necessary had their reward. Now he had the unity which could achieve something. Concentrating on his party and its own affairs, eventually allowed influence of the wider country.

Disraeli in 1873. This image is copyright free

Sadly Disraeli's years at the peak of his career did not last long. By 1877 declining health and energy meant that policy in home affairs virtually ceased. Most of the prime minister's attention was focused on chaotic affairs abroad. Fearing Russian expansion, attempts were made to support Turkey against Russia, even though Turkey's government was hardly benign. These manoeuverings culminated in the Treaty of Berlin in 1878 which cobbled together a workable peace in eastern Europe. In other parts of the world things did not go so well. War began in Afghanistan when Viceroy Lytton acted alone to start hostilities. The same thing happened in South Africa, when Sir Bartle Frere simply decided that waging war against the Zulus would be a good idea. In February 1879 Disraeli heard of the destruction of a British force at Isandhlwana. This was virtually the first he knew of the Zulu war. He was furious, but could do little. The choice was between appearing out of control, or appearing in charge of an unpopular and poorly fought campaign. Disraeli was in a no win situation, and was defeated in the general election of 1880. Any hopes of returning to power were ended by declining health. Disraeli died of bronchitis on the 18th April 1881.

Disraeli was a great realist. He saw things as they were. Certainly he dealt in illusions, creating the illusion of conventional religious views in one sense to give freedom for reform in another. But in using these illusions he did not really believe in them. He stood outside them, seeing clearly the illusions he dealt in. This was in contrast to Gladstone, a great evangelist who was defined by his sincerity. In judging these two figures it all comes down to how you see politics. Plutarch is supposed to have said of politics "They are wrong who think that politics is like an ocean voyage, or a military campaign, something to be done with a particular end in view, something which leaves off as soon as that end is reached. It is not a public chore to be got over with. It is a way of life." (Attributed to Plutarch in The Great Quotations by Georges Seldes P 570) Politicians such as Gladstone, for all their qualities, tend to see life in terms of final destinations. Gladstone always had to have a cause to fight for, and acted in a way which suggested there was only one right direction in life, and only one destination. Disraeli was more of a Plutarch. He saw no promised end, no shining city on a hill. Without this ultimate destination there is nothing to finally judge any action against. As Tolstoy wrote, "The activity of Alexander or Napoleon cannot be termed beneficial or harmful, since we cannot say for what it is beneficial or harmful." (War and Peace P1341) History is full of examples of passionate politicians with grand causes and definite ends in view, who express the worst in their societies. Disraeli saw politics more as an endless way of life, and acted accordingly. He was detached, flexible, enigmatic, hard to judge or categorise. Good for him.